ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
Transoxiana under the Rule of Abbasid, Ghaznavid and Seljuk Empires: A Comparison of the Systems of Governance
Several empires which have ruled over Transoxiana since the advent of Islam include the empires built by the Arabs, the Turks, the Mughals, and the Russians. The Abbasid Empire lasted for several centuries, but in terms of actual running of the vast territories extending to eastern Iranian plateau, their rule ended after one and a half centuries. Gradually, independent rulers rose from the easternmost portion of the territories of the Abbasid Empire. The role of the Caliphate was then to lend legitimacy to the various local governments, many of which became powerful empires themselves. Our main objective here is to carefully compare the two types of bureaucracies (divans) of the kingdoms ruled by the Abbasids, Ghaznavids and Seljuks. The authors examine the main features of these systems of governance, and their similarities and differences regarding their ascendancy, degree of sophistication, centralization, efficiency, and military power.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69186_6db52bbadab3df4920a54ef4cc340b6d.pdf
2018-05-01
1
14
Abbasids
caliphate
Divan
Empire
Ghaznavids
Government Departments
persian
Seljuks
Transoxiana
Farhad
Atai
atai53@gmail.com
1
University of Tehran, Department of International Relations
LEAD_AUTHOR
Sika
Sadoddin
sadoddin1987@gmail.com
2
-
AUTHOR
Aghili, S. (1958) Āsār al- vozarā, M. Hosseini-Armavi, ed. Tehran: University of Tehran Press.
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Bosworth, C. (1977) Tārīkh-e ghaznavī (The History of the Ghaznavids), (H. Anousheh, trans). Tehran: Amirkabir Publication.
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Eqbal Ashtiani, A. (1958) Vezārat dar ahd'e salatin-e bozorg-e saljughī, az tārīkh-e tashkil-e in selsele tā marg-e soltān sanjar (Ministry in the Era of the Great Seljuk Sultans, from the Date of the Formation of this Dynasty until the Death of Sultan Sanjar). Tehran: University of Tehran Publication.
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Gardizi, A. (1968) Zein al-akhbār, A. Habibi, ed. Tehran: Iranian Culture Foundation.
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Helmi, A. (2005) Dolat-e saljughīān (The Seljuk Government), (A. Naseri-Taheri, trans). Tehran: Hoze va Daneshgah Research Institute.
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Ibn Taqtaqi, M. (1981) Tārīkh-e fakhri dar ādāb-e malekdāri va dolat'hā-ye eslāmī (Fakhri History in the Customs of the Kingdom and Islamic Governments), (M. Golpayegani, trans). Tehran: Book Publishing and Translation Co.
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Klausner, C. (1984) Divānsālārī dar ahd-e saljoghī (The Seljuk Vezirate: A Study of Civil Administration, 1055-1194),(Y. Azhand, trans). Tehran: Amir Kabir Publication.
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Mirahmadi, M. (1989) Nezām-e hokomat-e Īrān dar dorān-e eslāmī (The System of Iranian Government in the Islamic Era). Tehran: Institute for Cultural Studies and Research.
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Yaghoobi, A. (1964) Tārikh-e yaghoobī (Yaghoobi History), (M. Ayati, trans). Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publishing Co.
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Zarrinkoob, A. (1994) Tārikh-e Īrān bad az eslām (The History of Iran after Islam). Tehran: Amirkabir Publication.
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20
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus: Competition and Cooperation
The vacuum of power in the South Caucasus during the post-Cold War period has shaped the nature of rivalries between the regional and extra-regional powers. Iran and Turkey have special interests in the region in large part due to geographical proximity and historical background. The three newly established republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia have created new opportunities for Iran and Turkey, but they have also been the sources of new threats for their neighbors. For Iranian policymakers, Azerbaijan and Armenia are of special importance because of their common borders. Through a geopolitical analysis, the author tries to answer the following questions: What is the nature of the rivalry between Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus? What are the differences in these two countries’ foreign policy attitudes toward the South Caucasus? The main conclusion is that the competition between Iran and Turkey has been multifaceted and covers cultural, economic and political issues. Iran has adopted a more independent stance in its relations with the South Caucasus, and at the same time it is trying to limit the power and influence of the U.S. in its peripheral area. Whereas Turkey has shown its preference for a multilateral approach in collaboration with the West. Trying to gain a foothold in the region, both countries formulate and implement foreign policies aimed at expanding their political and economic interactions with these South Caucasian states.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69187_ccbe2557e8c82955c3d6418abe9a8863.pdf
2018-05-01
15
31
Armenia
Azerbaijan, Competition
Cooperation
Geopolitics
Georgia
Iran
South Caucasus
Turkey
Mohammad Jafar
Javadi Arjmand
mjjavad@ut.ac.ir
1
University of Tehran, Department of Political Science
LEAD_AUTHOR
Abedin, M. (2004, September 28) “Iran at Sea Over Azerbaijan,” Asia Times. Available at: http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/ Iran/Abedin-Mahan/Iran-at-sea-over-Azerbaijan (accessed 14 May 2017).
1
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2
Alipour, H., et al. (2009, October) “Trade Development Trend Between Islamic Republic of Iran and Azerbaijan Republic,” African Journal of Business Management 3, 10: 591-600.
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6
Baban, I. and Z. Shiryev. (2010) “The U.S. South Caucasus Strategy and Azerbaijan,” Turkish Policy Quarterly 2, 9: 93-103.
7
Balcer, A. (2012, February) “Turkey as a Source of Inspiration for Arab Spring: Opportunities and Challenges,” in S. Calleya and M. Wohlfeld, eds. Change and Opportunities in the Emerging Mediterranean. Msida, Malta: Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies, the University of Malta (MT). Available at: https://www.um.edu.mt/medac/publications/book_publications/change_and_opportunities_in_the_emerging_mediterranean (accessed 30 September 2015).
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Blandy, C. (2008, May) “Azerbaijan: Is War over Nagorny Karabakh a Realistic Option?” Caucasus Series 08/17, Advanced Research and Assessment Group, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. Available at: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0c54e3b3-1e9c-be1e2c24 a6a8c7060233&lng=en&id=87342 (accessed 9 April 2013).
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Cagaptay, S. (2009, April 24) “The AKP's Foreign Policy: The Misnomer of Neo-Ottomanism,” the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute’sTurkey Analyst 2, 8: 1-3. Available at: https://www.washingtoninstitute. org/policy-analysis/view/the-akps-foreign-policy-the-misnomer-of-neo-ottomanism (accessed 9 April 2017).
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Dehghan Trazjani, M. (2000) Ravābet-e khareji-ye Īrān va hamsāyegān dar dahe-ye enghelāb-e eslāmī) Iran’s Foreign Relations and Neighbors in the Second Decade of the Islamic Revolution(. Tehran: Soroush. (In Persian)
14
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16
Hajiyousefi, A. (2005) Siyāsat-e khārejī-ye jomhorī-ye eslāmī-ye Īrāndar parto-ye tahavolāt-e mantaghe-ī (The Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Light of Regional Developments, 1991-2001). Tehran: The Institute for Political and International Studies. (In Persian)
17
Hayrapetyan, G. and V. Hayrapetyan. (2011) "Regional and International Trade of Armenia: Prospective and Potentials," Kiev, Ukraine: Economic Education and Research Consortium (EERC) Working Paper 11/14E: 1-47. Available at: http://www.aea.am/files/papers /w1103.pdf (accessed 2 June 2017).
18
Herzig, E. (1995) Iran and the Former Soviet South. London: Chatham House.
19
Hunter, S. (2010) Iran's Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era: Resisting the New International Order. London: Praeger.
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21
Iskandaryan, A. (2009, Summer) “Armenian-Turkish Rapprochement: Timing Matters,” Insight Turkey 11, 3: 37-44. Available at:https://www.insightturkey.com/author/alexander-iskandaryan/ armenian-turkish-rapprochement-timing-matters (accessed 2 June 2017).
22
Ismayilov, I. (2010) Nagorno-Karabakh: Ethnic Conflict or Geopolitics: Exploring the Dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Saarbrücken, Germany: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing.
23
Jones, L and Sage, D. (2010) “New Directions in Critical Geopolitics: An Introduction,” Geo Journal 75, 4: 315-325.
24
Koolaee, E. (2015) Siyāsat va hokomat dar āsiyā-ye markazī(Politics and Government in Central Asia). Tehran: SAMT. (In Persian)
25
Koolaee, E. (2010) “Jomhorī-ye eslāmī-ye Īrān va jeo-politik-e ghafghāz-e jenobī(Islamic Republic of Iran and the Geopolitics of the South Caucasus,” Majale-ye jeo-politik (Geopolitics Quarterly) 17: 75-111. (In Persian)
26
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28
Mirheidar, D., et al. (2011) “Jeo-politik az negāhī digar: tamarkoz’zodaee az danesh/ ghodrat (Geopolitics from a New Perspective: Decentralizing Power/ Knowledge),” Faslnāmeh-ye pajoheshhā-ye joghrafiyā-ye ensānī (Human Geography Research Quarterly) 43, 78:1-22. (In Persian)
29
Mojtahedzadeh, P., et al. (2008, Summer) “Tahlil va barʹrasī-ye hamposhāni-ye Siyāsat-e khārejī-ye jomhorī-ye eslāmī-ye Īrān dar taāmol ba jomhorī-ye azarbāijan ba vagheeyāt’ha-ye jeo-politik (An Analysis of the Overlapping Geopolitical Realities in the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the Republic of Azerbaijan,” Modares-e olom-e ensānī (Human Sciences Modares) 12, 2: 213-255. (In Persian)
30
Nixey, J. (2010, May) “The South Caucasus: Drama on Three Stages”, in R. Niblett, ed. America and a Changed World: A Question of Leadership. London: the Chatham House. Available at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/ Research/Americas/us0510_nixey.pdf (accessed 1 June 2017).
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Oliker, O. and T. Szayna, eds. (2003) Faultlines of Conflict in Central Asia and the South Caucasus: Implications for the U.S. Army. Santa Monica; RAND. Available at: https://www.rand.org/content/ dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/2005/RAND_MR1598.pdf (accessed 3 June 2017).
33
Salahi, M. (2004) Andishe’hā-ye siyāsi-ye gharb dar gharn-e bistom (the Western Political Thought in the Twentieth Century). Tehran: Ghomes. (In Persian)
34
Souleimanov, E. (2011, September) “Dealing with Azerbaijan: The Policies of Turkey and Iran towards the Karabakh War, 1991-1994,” MERIA Journal 15, 3. Available at:http://www.rubincenter.org/2011/10/dealing- with-azerbaijan-the-policies-of-turkey-and-iran-toward-the-karabakh-war-1991-1994 (accessed 9 February 2015).
35
Taghavi’asl, A. (2005) Jeo-politik-e jadid-e Īrān az ghazaghestān tā gorjestān (New Geopolitics of Iran: From Kazakhstan to Georgia). Tehran: IPIS Publishing House. (In Persian)
36
Taheri, M. and S. Hashemi Nasab. (2010, Spring) “Jarayān-e tasafov dar āsiyā-ye markazī, ghafghāz va rosiyeh: rāhkār'hā-ye bahremandi-ye Īrān (Mysticism in Central Asia, the Caucasus and Russia: Option for Iran's Benefits),” Faslnāmeh-ye ravābet-e khārejī (Foreign RelationsQuarterly Journal) 5: 197-242. (In Persian)
37
Valiyev, A. (2012, September) “Azerbaijan-Iran Relations: Quo Vadis, Baku?” PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo 244: 1-5. Available at: http://www.ponarseurasia.org/sites/default/files/policy-memos-pdf/pepm_244_Valiyev_Sept2012.pdf (accessed 2 June 2017).
38
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
The Security Implications of Nuclear Non-Proliferation in Central Asia: An Iranian View
After the USSR dissolution in 1991, the declaration of Central Asia as a nuclear free zone was viewed as a crucial step on the way to solving the greater issues of nuclear non-proliferation, nuclear security and nuclear disarmament in the world. The two great powers which had a history of direct and indirect involvement in this region played a significant role in the creation of the zone. Russia along with the U.S. have been sources of financial and economic assistance to the regional states and used the political leverage of economic incentives to persuade the five regional states to join the treaty to establish the Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (CANWFZ). The state parties are committed not to deploy, build, receive, and test nuclear weapons on their territories. The main objective of this study is to investigate the significance of the CANWFZ for the inter-state relations and the overall regional stability and security. The key questions posed here are: 1- Does the CANWFZ enhances its member states’ national security and regional security? 2- How do major powers view Central Asia’s nuclear non-proliferation? The political decision of the Central Asia’s leaders not to “go nuclear” was based not on domestic debate but on “top-down” consultation and persuasion of the two superpowers of the Cold War era. These findings are consistent with the assertion that the success of any arms control and nuclear non-proliferation initiative at the regional level is a function of the global actors’ cooperation.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69188_47da80505c23d20cf0b1ff1de86963a9.pdf
2018-05-01
33
56
Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone
Iran
Nuclear-Weapon States
Nuclear Disarmament
Threshold Nuclear-Weapon States
Regional security
Saideh
Lotfian
slotfian@ut.ac.ir
1
University of Tehran, Department of Political Science
LEAD_AUTHOR
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Enkhsaikhan, J. (2000) “Mongolia's Nuclear-Weapon-Free Status: Concept and Practice,” Asian Survey 40, 2: 344.
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39
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
The Eastern Partnership and Its Effects on Georgian Political Economy
Georgia is an important partner for the European Union (EU) in the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and its eastern dimension under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). In a wider context, the EaP supports delivery on key global policy goals set by the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The overall framework guiding the relations between the EU and its six Eastern Partners is provided by the relevant bilateral agreements. Within the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy, the EU and Georgia signed an Association Agreement. The main objective of this study is to answer the following research question: What are the effects of the EaP on the political economy of Georgia? It is argued that the formulation of the EaP provided an impetus for the push for the Association Agreements with Georgia. Since the independence of Georgia, the influence of the EU has been slight in the implementation of the bilateral agenda of reforms, but the impact of the EU on this area has increased in recent years. The impact of the EaP can be measured in the three dimensions of the liberalization of trade, opening goods markets, and visa liberalization. The findings indicate that the impact of the EU is slowly increasing; and moreover, the economic impact of the EaP will not be immediate. In the short-term, its implementation poses more challenges to Georgia than gains. In the long-run, Georgia hopes that the convergence to European standards will make it easier for Georgian firms to access the European market.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69189_30a8334e8e18a037141c6f655fcace99.pdf
2018-05-30
57
75
Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA)
European Neighborhood Policy
Eastern Partnership (EaP)
Economic Integration
Georgia
Roxana
Niknami
niknami.roxana@yahoo.com
1
University of Tehran, Department of Regional Studies
LEAD_AUTHOR
Abesadze, O. (2015, December) “The Influence of European Neighbouring Policy Upon the Economic Development of Georgia,” Procedia- Social and Behavioral Sciences 213: 557-561.
1
Apriashvili, M. (2015, July 20) “Implementation of the DCFTA by Georgia,” Latvijas Ārpolitikas Institūts (Latvian Institute of International Affairs). Available at: http://www.lai.lv/viedokli/ implementation-of-the-dcfta-by-georgia-460 (accessed 23 June 2018).
2
Balassa, B. (1961) Towards a Theory of Economic Integration. London: Allen & Unwin.
3
Chapichadze, K. (2017) “Visa Liberalization: What Does this Mean in Reality for Moldova and Georgia?” Ante Portas-Security Studies1, 8:147-152. Available at: http://anteportas.pl/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/AP.VIII_Chapichadze.pdf (accessed 22 June 2018).
4
DCFTA, Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development of Georgia. (2018) Rules of Origin. Available at: http://www.dcfta.gov.ge/en/dcfta-for-businness/Rules-of-Origin- (accessed 22 February 2018).
5
Dimitrova, A. and R. Dragneva. (2009) “Constraining External Governance: Interdependence with Russia and the CIS as Limits to the EU's Rule Transfer in the Ukraine,” Journal of European Public Policy16, 6: 853-872.
6
Dodini, M. and M. Fantini. (2006, September) “The EU Neighbourhood Policy: Implications for Economic Growth and Stability,” Journal of Common Market Studies 44, 3: 507-532.
7
Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC). (2014) European Union’s Agreement on Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area and Georgia. Tbilisi: EPRC. Available at: http://archive.eap-csf.eu/assets/files/Documents/EU_Eng_DCFTA-Georgia.pdf (accessed 20 June 2018).
8
Emerson, M. and T. Kovziridze, eds. (2016) Deepening EU-Georgian Relations: What, Why and How? London: Rowman & Littlefield International.
9
“EU Market Open for Georgia’s Black Sea Fish,” (2017, June 21). Available at: http://agenda.ge/news/81871/eng (accessed 23 June 2018).
10
European Commission (EC). (2018, 18 April) Countries and Regions.Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/countries/georgia(accessed 15 June 2018).
11
European Commission (EC) (n.d.) "EU-Georgia Trade- Making it Easier to Invest, Factsheet on Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA)," Europena Union,European External Action Service (EEAS). Available at: http://eeas.europa.eu/ archives/delegations/georgia/documents/eap_aa/1dcfta_invest_ 2014_en.pdf(accessed 22 February 2018).
12
European Commission (EC), European Neighborhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations. (2017) Georgia.Available at: https://ec.europa.eu/neighbourhood-enlargement/neighbourho od/countries/georgia_en (accessed 15 June 2018).
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European Commission (EC). (n.d.) Trade Helpdesk.Available at: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/tradehelp/georgia (accessed 20 June 2018).
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European Free Trade Association (EFTA).(2018) Georgia. Available at: http://www.efta.int/free-trade/free-trade-agreements/georgi a (accessed 22 February 2018).
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European Parliament. (2002, December 10) Parliamentary Questions: The New Neighbors Initiative and Wider Europe. Available at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP //TEXT+OQ+O-2002-0102+0+DOC+XML+V0//EN&langua ge=en (accessed 12 June 2018).
16
Filipiak, T. (2017, June 29) “EU Visa-Liberalisation Strengthens Georgia’s Pro-Western Path,” Emerging Europe: The Gateway to the Region. Available at: http://emerging-europe.com/ voices/eu-visa-liberalisation-strengthens-georgias-pro-western-path (accessed 28 May 2018).
17
“Georgia’s Trade with EU Worth $211.5 million in January 2018,” (2018, 19 February).Available at: http://agenda.ge/en/news/2018/368 (accessed 22 June 2018).
18
Geostat, National Statistics Office of Georgia. (2017, September 13) External Merchandise Trade in Georgia, January-August 2017. Available at: http://www.geostat.ge/cms/site_images/_files/ english/bop/FTrade_08_2017-Eng-with%20cover.pdf (accessed 22 June 2018).
19
Hosny, A. (2013, May) “Theories of Economic Integration:A Survey of the Economic and Political Literature,” International Journal of Economy, Management and Social Sciences 2, 5: 133-155.
20
Ilic, I. and S. Markozia. (2015) “Future Associates: An Overview of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement,” Journal of Social Sciences 4, 2:11-22.
21
Khurtsia, T. (2014, April 15) No Custom Tariffs, Result from Georgia-EU Free Trade. Available at: http://agenda.ge/article/876/eng (accessed 23 June 2018).
22
Marinov, E. (2014, September) “Economic Integration Theories and the Developing, Counties,” In R. Dautov, et al., eds. Proceedings of the 9th Annual South-East European Doctoral Student Conference. Thessaloniki, Greece: South-East European Research Center.
23
Kilasonia, N. and A. Nadiradze. (2014, April) “EU-Georgia Action Plan on Visa Liberalisation Monitoring of Implementation- Final Report,” Transparency International Georgia. Available at: https://www.transparency.ge/sites/default/files/post_attach ments/Monitoring%20of%20Implementation%20of%20Viza %20Liberalization%20Action%20Plan%2008.05.2014.pdf (accessed 12 June 2018).
24
Putkaradze, R. (2015) “Historical Determinants of the Economic Relations of Georgia and the European Union,” Administracja i Zarządzanie (Administration and Management), Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo (Scientific Papers of the University of Natural Sciences) 107, 34: 97-105. Available at: https://repozytorium.uph.edu.pl/ bitstream/handle/11331/620/ Putkaradze_Historical_determinants_of_the_economic_relations.pdf?sequence=1 (accessed 21 June 2018).
25
Samadashvili, S. (2014, June) “A Change of Government and the Future of EU-Georgia Relations,” European View 13, 1: 59-66.
26
Secrieru, S. (2017, October 25) "The Visa-Free 3D Effect: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine," European Union Institute for Security Studies. Available at: https://www.iss.europa. eu/content/visa-free-3d-effect-georgia-moldova-and-ukraine (accessed 21 June 2018).
27
Simao, L. (2013, June) “The Reluctant Conflict Mediator: EU-Georgia Relations under the Neighborhood Policy,”IPRIS Viewpoints, No. 126 [Instituto Português de Relações Internacionais e Segurança (IPRIS), Portuguese Institute of Internationa Relations and Security], Lisbon, Portugal. Available at: http://www.ipris.org (accessed 12 May 2018).
28
Snorrason, S. (2012) Asymmetric Economic Integration: Size Characteristics of Economies, Trade Costs and Welfare. Berlin: Physica-Verlag Heidelberg.
29
Vardishvili, G. and E. Panchulidze. (2017, April) "Visa Liberalization for Georgia: What's Next?" Policy Brief #5, Georgian Institute of Politics,Tbilisi. Available at http://gip.ge/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Policy-brief-5-Giorgi-Vardishvili-Elene-Panchulidze.pdf (accessed 2 May 2018).
30
Whitman, R. and A. Juncos. (2011, September) “Relations with the Wider Europe,” Journal of Common Market Studies 49: 187-208.
31
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
Iran-Russia Military and Security Relations after the JCPOA
Iran and Russia's military and security cooperation have considerably increased after the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was signed by Iran, the European Union and the P5+1 (China, France, Germany, Russia, UK and the US). Usingthe concepts of securitization and desecuritization in the Copenhagen School of security studies,the authors examine the military and security ties between Iran and Russia. The main research question is as follows: How has the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) affected the Iranian-Russian military and security relations?The main objective is to test a hypothesis asserting that the JCPOA descuritized the Iranian nuclear program and removed the obstacles in Iran's relations with Russia in bilateral, regional and international levels. In fact, Iran's nuclear program changed into a technical issue and was desecuritized after the nuclear deal. This led to a noticeable improvement of Iran's relations with Russia and other countries. The removal of the Russian sanctions against Iran and the numerous visits of the two countries’ government officials as well as Putin's order to lift the ban on the sale of the S300 missile system to Tehran are among the most important indicators of the improvement of security relations between the two countries. Meanwhile, the Russian military presence in Syria along with Moscow’s cooperation with Iran in the fight against terrorism are viewed as other important post-JCPOA developments which have improved the bilateral Iran and Russia's military cooperation at the regional level.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69190_d66497c87c64c512b0e42a5b13ef3a26.pdf
2018-05-30
77
92
Copenhagen School
Desecuritization
Iran
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)
Military
Non-securitization
Russian Federation
Security
Securitization
Alireza
Samoudi
alirezasamoudi@gmail.com
1
Mofid University
LEAD_AUTHOR
Amirhossein
Norouzi Shahtouri
noruzishahtoori@yahoo.com
2
-
AUTHOR
Amiri, M. (2010, Autumn) “Arzyābi-ye rahnāmeh-ye jadid-e rosiyeh (Evaluating the Russian New Military Doctrine)," Faslnāmeh-ye rāhbord-e defā‘e (Defense Strategy) 8, 30: 67-100. (In Persian)
1
Amiri, M. (2015) "“Hamkāriʹhā-ye Īrānva rosiyeh dar hoze-ye nezāmī va defā‘e: tarsim-e chashmandāz-e pisheʹro (Iran-Russia Cooperation in the Military and Defense Sphere: The Future Prospects),” in H. Asgarian, ed. Iran-Russia Relations Prospects. Tehran: TISRI. (In Persian)
2
Asgarian, H. (2015) "Chashmandāz-e rāvābet-e Īrān va rosiyeh (The Prospect of Iran-Russia Relations)," in H. Asgarian, ed.Iran-Russia Relations Prospects. Tehran: TISRI. (In Persian)
3
Atrisangari, F. (2015) "Naghshe bazigar-e jahānī- āmricā, etehādī-ye oropā va rejim-e sahunistī dar rāvābet-e Īrān va rosiyeh (The Role of the United States, the European Union and Israel in Iran-Russia Relations)," in H. Asgarian, ed. Iran-Russia Relations Prospects. Tehran: TISRI. (In Persian)
4
Bobkin, N. (2015) "Iran in the New Geopolitical Coordinates: A Choice in Favor of Russia,” The Foundation of Strategic Culture. Available at: https://www.fondsk.ru/news/ 2015/11/12/iran-v-novyh-geopoliticheskih-koordinatah-vybor-v-polzu-rossii-36709.html (accessed 10 October 2017). (in Russian)
5
Bodner, M. (2015) "Mistrust Dogs Russian-Iran Arms Talks as Shoigu Heads for Tehran,” Moscow Times. Available at: https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/mistrust-dogs-russia-iran-arms-talks-as-shoigu-heads-for-tehran-43011, (accessed 11 October 2017).
6
Buzan, B., et al. (1998) Security: A New Framework for Analysis. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
7
Buzan, B. (2000) "Copenhagen School in the Security Studies,” Strategic Studies 3, 3: 9-15.
8
Hollinger, P., et al. (2015, November 9) "Russian Breaks Deadlock over Sale of S-300 Missile System to Iran,” The Financial Times. Available at: https://www.ft.com/content/7f701684-86d0-11e5-90de-f44762bf9896 (accessed 5 March 2017).
9
Kassianova, A. (2006) "Russian Weapons Sales to Iran,” PONARS Policy Memo. Available at: http://www.ponarseurasia.org/sites/default/files/policy-memos-pdf/pm_0427.pdf (accessed 8 July 2017).
10
Katzman, K. (2016) "Iran Sanctions,” Available at: https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/ RS20871.pdf (accessed 2 March 2018).
11
Kozhanov, N. (2015) "Are the Russians and Iranians Friends?” Fair Observer. Available at: https://www.fairobserver.com/region/ europe/are-the-russians-and-iranians-friends-12812 (accessed 3 September 2016).
12
Kouzegar Kaleji, V. (2015) "Arseʹhā-ye hāmkārī-ye Īrān va rosiyeh dar chārchob-e negarānīʹhā-ye moshtarek dar āsiyā-ye markazī va ghafghāz-e jonobī (The Areas of Cooperation between Iran and Russia in the Framework of Common Concerns in the Central Asia and South Caucasus),” in H. Asgarian, ed. Iran-Russia Relations Prospects. Tehran: TISRI. (In Persian)
13
Majidi, M. and A. Samoudi. (2014, Summer) "Talāshʹhā-ye rejim-e sahunistī barā-ye barnāmeh-e hasteʹi-ye Īrān be onvān-e yek tahdid-e amniyātī (Attempts by Israel to Portray the Nuclear Program of Iran as a Threat to Security),” Faslnāmeh-ye pajhoheshʹhā-ye enghelāb-e eslāmī(Islamic Revolution Research) 3, 10: 191-214. (In Persian)
14
Omidi, A. and S. Moradifar. (2014) "Securitization of Iran’s Nuclear Program, 2003-2013,” World Politics 10: 121-149.
15
Rostami, F. and M. Naderi. (2016, Summer) "Barjām, parvandeh-ye atomī va bastarʹhā-ye amniyātīʹsāzī va ghi’re amniyatīʹsāzi (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) the Iranian Nuclear Dossier and the Non-Securitization Context of Securitization),” Faslnāmeh-ye tahghighāt-e siyāsī baynolmelalī-e daneshgāh-e āzād-e eslāmī (Islamic Azad University Quarterly) 8, 27: 187-218. (In Persian)
16
Samoudi, A. (2017) Siyāsat-e oropāee va barnāmeh-e hastei-ye erān (The European Politics and Iran's Nuclear Program). Qom: Mofid University Press. (In Persian)
17
Spanish Institute for Strategic Studies (IEEE), The Ministry of Defense of Spain. (2015, December 31) The Russian Federation's National Security Strategy. Available at: http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/OtrasPublicaciones/Internacional/2016/Russian-National-Security-Strategy-31Dec2015.pdf (accessed 8 July 2017).
18
Stuster, D. (2015) "Russia, Iran, Iraq and Syria to Share Intelligence on Islamic State,” Foreign Policy. Available at: http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/09/28/russia-iran-iraq-and-syria-to-share-intelligence-on-islamic-state (accessed 3 March 2018).
19
Trenin, D. (2010) "Russia's Policy in the Middle East: Prospects for Consensus and Conflict with the United States,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP). Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/files/trenin_middle_east.pdf (accessed 4 April 2018).
20
Zargar, A. (2013, Summer) "Mavāze-ye rosiyeh da ghebāl-e tahavolāt-e soriyeh (Russia's Standpoints towards Syrian Crisis 2011-2013),” Faslnāmeh-ye āsiyā-yemarkazī va ghafghāz (Central Asia and the Caucasus Studies 19, 82: 2013, 53-80. (In Persian)
21
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
The Church and Religious Diplomacy in Russia’s Foreign Policy
Religion is more than a national phenomenon, for it is concurrently a fundamental element of transnational identity. Accordingly, a state might be able to extend its soft power to its coreligionist neighbors by using religious ideas as instruments of foreign policy. Russia shares Orthodox Christianity with some of its post-Soviet neighbors which were completely subject to policies dictated by Moscow until the dissolution of the USSR. Despite the independence of these former Soviet Republics, Russia still enjoys a high degree of influence in the post-Soviet space. Consolidating Moscow's grip on the near abroad is one of the main strategic guiding principles of Kremlin's foreign policy. When the communist era came to a dramatic end, Russian policymakers searched for an alternative to the ideology of communism and became aware of the potential role that Christianity could play in realizing their foreign policy goals. The main objectives of the authors are to answer the following research questions: 1- What is the role of the church as a source of soft power in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation? and 2- How effective is Russia's religious diplomacy (the use of religion as a non-coercive instrument) in Ukraine and Georgia? In their research hypothesis, they assert that Moscow's religious diplomacy has increased its influence in Ukraine and Georgia; but religion has contributed more to Russia’s hard power than its soft power.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69191_b04c899ce91a3360f805139d342f5ea7.pdf
2018-05-30
93
105
Church
Foreign Policy
Hard Power
Orthodox Christianity
Religious Diplomacy
Russian Federation
Soft Power
Soviet
Nozar
Shafiee
n.shafiee@ase.ui.ac.ir
1
University of Isfahan
LEAD_AUTHOR
Ehsan
Fallahi
eh.fallahi@ase.ui.ac.ir
2
University of Isfahan
AUTHOR
Billt, R. (2011, Winter) "Russia’s Orthodox Foreign Policy: The Growing Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church in Shaping Russia’s Policies Abroad,” University of PennsylvaniaJournal of International Law 33, 2: 363-460. Available at: https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/jil/vol33/iss2/2 (accessed 10 May 2018).
1
Conroy, K. (2015, December 1) "Semi-Recognized States and Ambiguous Churches: The Orthodox Church in South Ossetia and Abkhazia,” Journal of Church and State 57, 4: 621-639.
2
Dolinsky, A. (2012, October 16) “What is Public Diplomacy, and Why Russia Needs It?” Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC). Available at: http://russiancouncil.ru/ en/analytics-and-comments/analytics/whatis-public-diplomacy-and-why-russia-needs-it (accessed 12 December 2017).
3
Freeze, G. (2017, February 9) “Russian Orthodoxy & Politics in the Putin Era,” The Task Force on U.S. Policy Toward Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia Project, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP). Available at: http://carnegieendowment.org/2017/02/09/ russian-orthodoxy-and-politics-inputin-era-pub-67959 (accessed 1 November 2017).
4
International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and Center for Civil Liberties (CCL). (2015, July 2-3) “Ukraine: When God Becomes the Weapon,” A Report of the Supplementary Human Dimension Meeting inVienna. Available at: http://iphronline.org/en (accessed 23 July 2017).
5
Kakachia, K. (2014) "Is Georgia’s Orthodox Church an Obstacle to European Values?” Policy Memo 322, PONARS Eurasia. Available at: http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/ georgia’s-orthodox-church-obstacle-european-values (accessed 21 July 2017).
6
Kornilov, A. and A. Makarychev. (2015) "Russia’s Soft Power in the South Caucasus,” in A. Agadjanian, et al., eds. Religion, Nation and Democracy in the South Caucasus. London and New York: Routledge.
7
Kozelsky, M. (2014) “Religion and the Crisis in Ukraine,” International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 14, 3: 219-241.
8
Kuzio, T. (2018, April) "Russia–Ukraine Crisis: The Blame Game, Geopolitics and National Identity,” Europe-Asia Studies 70, 3: 462-473.
9
Lazescu, A. (2017) “A Proxy for the Kremlin: The Russian Orthodox Church,” World Affairs Journal. Available at: http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/proxy-kremlinrussian-orthodox-church (accessed 5 May 2017).
10
Lomagin, N. (2012, July) "Interest Groups in Russian Foreign Policy: The Invisible Hand of the Russian Orthodox Church,” International Politics 49, 4: 3-38.
11
Lukyanov, F. (2012, September 17) "Russia and Georgia: Going Their Separate Ways,” Caucasus Analytical Digest 41. Available at: https://www.ethz.ch/content/dam/ ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/CAD-41-4-7.pdf (accessed 2 June 2017).
12
Lutsevych, O. (2016, April 14) "Agents of the Russian World Proxy Groups in the Contested Neighborhood,” Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affair). Available at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/agents-russian-world-proxy-groups-contested-neighbourhood (accessed 3 May 2017).
13
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. (2000, January 10) National Security Concept of the Russian Federation. Available at: http://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/official_do cuments/asset_publisher/CptICkB6BZ29/content/id/589768 (accessed 2 January 2018).
14
———. (2013, February 18) Concept of The Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (Unofficial Translation]. Available at: http://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/official_documents/asset_publisher/CptICkB6BZ29/content/id/122186 (accessed 1 July 2018).
15
Moiseyenko, L. (2017, August) “The Problems of, Realization of Freedom Conscience and Freedom of Religion in the Occupied Territories in The East of Ukraine,” Legea Si Viata 342: 103-107. Available at: http://www.legeasiviata.in.ua/archive/2017/ 8-2/24.pdf (accessed 6 January 2018).
16
Nye, J. (2004) Soft power: The Means to Success in World Politics. NewYork: Public Affairs.
17
———. (2008) "Public Diplomacy and Soft Power,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 616, 1: 94-109.
18
———. (2013, April 29) “What China and Russia Don’t Get about Soft Power,” Foreign Policy. Available at: http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/04/29/what-china-and-russia-dontget-about-soft-power (accessed 5 January 2018).
19
Payne, D. (2010, Autumn) " Spiritual Security, the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Russian Foreign Ministry: Collaboration or Cooptation?” Journal of Church and State 52, 4: 712-727.
20
Petrenko, G. (2012, July 4-6) "Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on Russia’s Foreign Policy,” Paper Presented at the 4th ECPR Graduate Student Conference, Jacobs University, Bremen, Germany. Available at: https://ecpr.eu/Filestore/Paper Proposal/a0fa90ec-d2cb-498a-ae34-31396d87b8cf.pdf (accessed 1 January 2018).
21
Petro, N. (2015) “Russia's Orthodox Soft Power,” Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs. Available at: https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/publications/articlespapers_ reports/727 (accessed 1 January 2018).
22
Pew Research Center. (2017, May 10) “Religious Belief and National Belonging in Central and Eastern Europe,” Pew Forum. Available at: http://www.pewforum.org/2017/05/10/religious-belief-and-national-belongingin-central-and-eastern-europe (accessed 1 May 2018).
23
“Putin Meeting with Catholicos Patriarch Ilia II of all Georgia,” (2013, January 23). Available at: http://en.kremlin.ru/events/ president/news/17362 (accessed 14 January 2018).
24
Rimestad, S. (2015, October) "The Russian Orthodox Church in Western Europe: One or Many?” Religion, State and Society 43, 3: 228-243.
25
Russkiy Mir Foundation. (2011) “President Medvedev Stresses Role of Orthodox Church in Uniting the Global Russian Community,” Russkiy Mir. Available at: http://russkiymir.ru/en/news/124451 (accessed 27 December 2017).
26
Sagan, O. (2015, October) “Orthodoxy in Ukraine: Current State and Problems,” in A. Hug, ed. Traditional Religion and political power: Examining the Role of the Church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine. London: Foreign Policy Center. Available at: https://fpc.org.uk/publications/orthodox (accessed 1 January 2017).
27
Savin, L. (2015) “The State and the Church in Russia,” Katehon. Available at: http://katehon.com/1068-the-state-and-the-church-in-russia. html(accessed 27 January 2018).
28
Sebentsov, A. (2011) "Religion in the System of State Power,” Russian Politics and Law 49, 1: 46-56.
29
Simons, G. (2016, September) “The Russian Orthodox Church: Toward a New Global Role?” Cicero Foundation Great Debate Paper No.16/06. http://www.cicerofoundation.org/lectures/Greg_Simons_ The_Russian_Orthodox_Church.pdf (accessed 2 June 2018).
30
Vasin, M. (2014) “Religious War in Donbas,” Vasin’s Blog. Available at: http://mvasin.org.ua/eng/2014/12/746 (accessed 1 April 2018).
31
Wawrzonek, M. (2014) "Ukraine in the Gray Zone Between the Russkiy Mir and Europe,” East European Politics and Societies 28, 4: 758-780.
32
Zahran, G. and L. Ramos. (2010) “From Hegemony to Soft Power: Implications of a Conceptual Change,” in I. Parmar and M. Cox, eds. Soft Power and US Foreign Policy: Theoretical, Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. London and New York: Routledge.
33
Zhdanov, A. (2016) The Paradoxical Interrelationship of Church and State in Post-Communist Russia: The Rise and Manifestation of Power via the Prism of lgbtqia Rights,MA Thesis, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon.
34
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
Integrated Environmental Assessment as a Comprehensive Governance Tool for the Caspian Littoral States to Control the Environmental Degradations
With the world’s largest inland water basin, and the lack of an effective legal regime, the Caspian Sea has been an area of conflict over common resources. Important issues such as exploration and use of aquatic and fossil resources, transportation and environmental contamination have added to the urgency of developing frameworks for regional cooperation. In this paper, the Driving Force-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) model is used for implementing an Integrated Environmental Assessment (IEA), based on which, the causes and consequences of the environmental situation of the Caspian Sea and the effectiveness of the existing legal solutions and the possibility of upgrading them within a more comprehensive and integrated framework are examined. It is concluded that separated and individual efforts made by the littoral countries for the environmental conservation should be replaced with comprehensive, integrated and inter-governmental approaches, such as Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM), Integrated Watershed Management and Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) that are performed within the context of the existing regional governance structures.
https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69192_41873cb114cc955c7794109f9e2adf8f.pdf
2018-05-30
107
122
Caspian Sea
Caspian Environmental Program (CEP)
DPSIR Framework
Environmental Governance
Integrated Environmental Assessment
Iran
Lobat
Zebardast
lzebardast@ut.ac.ir
1
University of Tehran
LEAD_AUTHOR
Abdi, M. (2011) Rejime-e hoghoghī-ye daryā -ye khazar (Legal Regime of the Caspian Sea). Tehran: Haghgostar Publications. Available at: http://haghgostar.ir (accessed 2 June 2018). (In Persian)
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Bidone, E. and L. Lacerda. (2004) “The Use of DPSIR Framework to Evaluate Sustainability in Coastal Areas; Case Study: Guanabara Bay Basin, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil,” Regional Environmental Change 4: 5–16.
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Efendiyeva, I. (2000, December) “Ecological Problems of Oil Exploitation in the Caspian Sea Area,” Journal of Petroleum Science and Engineering 28, 4: 227-231.
3
Ermolin, I. and L. Svolkinas. (2018, January) “Assessment of the Sturgeon Catches and Seal Bycatches in an IUU Fishery in the Caspian Sea,” Marine Policy 87: 284-290.
4
Hafeznia, M., et al. (2016, July) “An Expert-based Decisionmaking Tool for Enhancing the Consensus on Caspian Sea Legal Regime,” Journal of Eurasian Studies 7, 2: 181-194.
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Jacob, C., et al. (2017, September) “Marine Ecosystem Restoration and Biodiversity Offset,” Ecological Engineering (Article in press, DOI: 10.1016/j.ecoleng.2017.09.007).
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Jafari, N. (2010, February 28) “Review of Pollution Sources and Controls in Caspian Sea Region,” Journal of Ecology and the Natural Environment 2, 2: 25-29.
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Levchenko, O., et al. (2014, September 10-14) “Contourites in the Middle Caspian Sea?,” Paper Presented at 2nd Deep-Water Circulation Congress at Gent University, Ghent, Belgium.
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Maccarrone, V., et al. (2014) “The ICZM Balanced Scorecard: A Tool for Putting Integrated Coastal Zone Management into Action,” Marine Policy 44: 321-334.
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Mohammadi Galangash, M. and Z. Ebrahimi Sirizi. (2017) “Manshaʹyābī va arzyaʹbī-ye khatar-e (Source Identification and Risk Assessment of Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons(PAHs) in Coastal Sediment of Caspian Sea; Guilan Province,” Journal of Mazandaran Univdersity Medical Science 155, 27: 128-140.
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Mohammadi, M. (2017) “Alodeghī-ye faraghir dar daryā-ye khazar hidrokarbonʹhā-ye chand halghe-ye aromatic dar rosobāt-e sāhelī-ye daryā-ye khazar, ostan-e gilān (The Widespread Pollution in the Caspian Sea),” Donyā-ye- Eghtesād (The World of Economics) 4191: 29. (In Persian)
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Monfared, H., et al. (2017) “Naghshe modiriāt-e yekpārche-ye manātegh-e sāhelī dar erteghā-ye amniyāt-e jomhourī-ye eslāmī-ye Īrān (The Aim of Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) in Enhancing the National Safety of Islamic Republic of Iran),” Fasnāmeh-ye joghrāfiā: barnāmehʹrizi-ye mantaghe-ye (TheQuarterly of Geography: Regional Planning) 25, 1: 17-32. (In Persian)
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de Mora, S. and T. Turner. (2004) “The Caspian Sea: A Microcosm for Environmental Science and International Cooperation,” Marine Pollution Bulletin 48: 26–29.
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Naghizadeh, A., et al. (2016) “Environmental Protection of Caspian Sea by Establishing of Joint Development Zone and Its Effects on Regional and International Security,” Journal of Politics and Law 9, 9: 155-161.
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Ness, B., et al. (2010) “Structuring Problems in Sustainability Science: The Multi-level DPSIR Framework,” Geoforum 41: 479–488.
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Pirooznia, M. et al. (2016) “Caspian Sea Tidal Modelling Using Coastal Tide Gauge Data,” Journal of Geological Research. Available at:https://www.hindawi.com/journals/jgr/2016/ 6416917 (accessed 1 June 2018).
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Shirneshan, G., et al. (2018) “Olgho-ye tozī va mansha-e hidrokarbonʹhā-yenaftī dar rosobāt-e omghī-ye sāhel-e jonob-e gharbī-ye khazar, kiāshahr (Identification Distribution Pattern and Origin of Petroleum Hydrocarbons in Core Sediment of Southwest Coast of the Caspian Sea, Kiashahr),” Mohit’shenasi (Journal of Environmental Studies) 43, 4: 743-755. (In Persian)
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Smeets, E. and R. Weterings. (1999, September) “Environmental Indicators: Typology and Overview,” European Environmental Agency (EEA) Technical Report No 25. Copenhagen: EEA. Available at: https://www.eea.europa.eu/publications/TEC25 (accessed 1 June 2018).
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Soufi, F. (2018) “Tahlil-e hoghogh-e daryāʹhābāneghāhi bar jāyeghāh-e Īrān dar zamine-ʼi beinolmelal (Analysis of International Law of the Seas by Looking at Iran's Position in International Affairs),” Faslnameh-e elmi-hoghoghi-yeGhanoonyar (Scientific-Legal Journal of Ghanoonyar) 4: 265-278. (In Persian)
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Svarstad, H., et al. (2008) “Discursive Biases of the Environmental Research Framework DPSIR,” Land Use Policy 25, 1: 116-125.
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Tehran Convention. (2018) Caspian Sea Region. Available at: http://www.tehranconvention.org (accessed 3 June 2018).
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The UNEP, Caspian Environment Programme. (2010) Caspian Sea: State of the Environment. Available at: www.tehranconvention.org/IMG/pdf/Caspian_SoE_Eng_fin.pdf (accessed 3 June 2018).
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Zarghani, S. and E. Ahmadi. (2018) “Tabyin-e jeopolitik-e zīstmohitī-ye daryā-ye khazar: barresī-ye mansha-e ālodegī va elal-e jeopolitikī-e ān (Explaining the Environmental Geopolitics of Caspian Sea: Checking the Sources of its Contamination and Geopolitical Causes),” Majles va Rahbord(Majles and Strategy) 93: 5-420. (In Persian)
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Zenkevitch, L. (1957) “Caspian and Aral Seas,” in J. Hedgpeth, ed. Treatise on Marine Ecology and Paleoecology. Boulder, CO: Geological Society of America.
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Zimnitskaya, H. and J. von Geldern. (2011) “Is the Caspian Sea a Sea; and Why does it Matter?,” Journal of Eurasian Studies 2:1-14.
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Zverev, V. and I. Kostikova. (2014) “Revisiting the Possible Influence of Subsurface Water on the Caspian,” Water Resources 41, 7: 833-838.
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