University of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601Iran and Russia: Past Experiences and Future Prospects12182794ENJahangirKaramiUniversity of TehranJournal Article20180804In this article, the author has tried to examine the history of developments in Iran-Russia relationsand provide a theoretical framework for better understanding of the current status and future prospects of these ties. In this historical study, three questions shall be addressed: How to analyze centuries-old Iran-Russia relations and provide a realistic perspective for the future? What are the most important factors influencing the relations between the two governments? The method used in this research is based on a macro and ideological, historical, comparative and analytical approach to study the important periods in the history of the two governments and the analysis of relations between the two nations and the emphasis is on periods in which the relations between the two countries have been relevant. The author's idea in this article is that by changing the logic of the threat due to the change of geography, we can change the pessimistic atmosphere of the past towards relations with Russia and, based on the existing facts, engage in strategic cooperation on common issues.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82794_2d6693af50eea51a414b7f19a5d3b8fa.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601Armed Conflict between Georgia and Russia Case Studies of ‘Peace Process in Abkhazian-Ossetian Ethnopolitical Conflict’234282795ENHamedKazemzadehAcademic Club For Peace-Conflict Studies, University of OttawaJournal Article20180304The post-conflict peacebuilding process between two major ethnicities under the central authority of Georgia - Abkhazians and Ossetians - has a long history that dates back to the beginning of the 20th century. This studytries to address the dynamic of thefrozen conflict and an unstable ceasefire in Georgia, from the early 1990s, when the conflicts erupted, to early 2019. The central claim of the research is that despite the long peace process, which first mediated and arranged by the United Nations (UN) and Russia and since 2008 negotiated and mediated by the European Union (EU) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), has not brought about any serious progress towards a peace settlement. Hence, a frozen hostility and potential conflict zone in the Caucasus persists. <br />The main goal of this study is to give a more up-to-date understanding of the Abkhazian and South Ossetian conflicts (calledanethnoterritorial-ethnopolitical conflict in Post-Soviet era), and to explore how it plays in and influences the peace process. To explain the relatively stable frozen nature of the conflicts, the paper focuses on the role of the protector state and ofEU as the main mediator. By analyzing the process of peace settlements, and particularly thefaults made by international organizations and other external players, this research aims to recommend new potential peace approaches to the conflict in this area.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82795_112f13de9e039ce3d28f1d107a1f0da2.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601The Sources and Causes of Constitutional Reform in the South Caucasian Republics436182796ENElahehKoolaeeNo.1 Yekom alley Kharazm st. Phase 4 Shahrak e GharbPeymanKavianifarRegional studies, UT, Tehran, iranJournal Article20180210The three republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia ratified their first constitutions as independent countries in 1995 and amended them at least 2 or 3 times in the subsequent years. The simultaneity of these amendments with elections and transitions of power has made their political effects broader and more noteworthy. Taking this into account, the main research question of this paper is, what has been the most important factor leading to constitutional amendments in these South Caucasian republics? The comparative analysis of this issue illustrates both homogeneities and heterogeneities among these republics, and the same may also be observed in other developing countries. To answer the main question, the context of reform, especially the political atmosphere, the main actors, and beneficiaries of reform must be taken into account and analyzed, as well as legal and political consequences of each amendment. The main hypothesis of this article is that in all three republics, the main reason for constitutional amendment, both in presidential and parliamentary forms, has been to design a mechanism to prevent the circulation of ruling elites. The comparison of these three republics shows that these amendments have not resulted in improvement of democracy in these republics. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82796_949e94219d2c5d7a21aebc7228e0e92b.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601Russia and the Security Council in the Case of Iran’s Nuclear Project639182797ENYosefMolaeeDepartment of International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of TehranHadiZargariUniversity of TehranJournal Article20180304<em> </em><br /><em> </em>Iran’s nuclear program has been an important issue for all great powers throughout the past decade; compared to other countries, however, Russia’s attitude in addressing this issue in the Security Council is particularly important due to a history of technical cooperation with Iran on nuclear projects. The approach and objectives Russia has been pursuing in the process of handling Iran’s nuclear file in the Security Council, particularly regarding ratification of resolutions against Iran, have had a significant impact on the fate of this program. Assuming that national interests guide Russia’s attitude toward Iran’s nuclear project, this paper seeks to answer this question: “What are the factors that shaped Russia’s positions in the Security Council in the process of ratification of resolutions against Iran?”The hypothesis of this research is that, “Relying on its perceptions of Iran’s nuclear program and its engagement and competition with the United States and Iran, Russia has taken a dual control and moderation approach, and seeks to impose pressure on Iran to control its nuclear progress, while also moderating the Western pressure in order to prevent US military action.”The research methods include data collection, interviews, and examination of documents and Security Council resolutions.<br /><em> </em>https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82797_18fd111fe5b0de37db17dc7b0acb6381.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601Look East policy: Regional Policy of of Iran Towards Countries Located in the Sphere of the Iranian Civilization9310782798ENBaharehSazmandDepartment of Regional Studies, University of TehranJournal Article20180307Since the end of the Cold War, an important process of new regionalism has been expanding in the international arena and countries have tried to implement their regionalist policies either bilaterally, in the form of joint agreements, or through institutionalization and multilaterally, by forming regional organizations and entities or through multi-lateral agreements meant to realize one’s objectives. Undoubtedly, the Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception to this rule, and the review of its policies in the recent years shows the special attention of the country to expanding relations with various countries in Asia, including East and Southeast Asia, South Asia, West Asia and Central Asia. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the dimensions, aspects, types, and characteristics of relations with countries located in the sphere of the Iranian civilization within the framework of the regionalist policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran through look East policy. The author's main argument is that the look East policy and expansion of relations with neighboring countries have never been of strategic importance in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. A review of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows that after the ninth government came to power in the country, a regionalist approach was put on the agenda based on re-defining foreign policy priorities. In other words, the new approach was “look to East” and expanding relations with various Asian countries became an axis in foreign policy. Although the look East policy was important at that time, it was not a strategic policy and was influenced by Iran's relations in the structure of the international system centered on the nuclear issue and the great powers, namely the P5 + 1group.With United States’ withdrawal from the JCPOA (the Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action), and the gradual ineffectiveness of this agreement, the re-expansion of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Asian and neighboring countries reemerged on the agenda of the twelfth government.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82798_191931f613a11744582274efd05b51fe.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601Russia's Military Intervention in the Syrian Crisis10913082722ENMohammadrezaTakhshidUniversity of TehranMortezaShojaUniversity of TehranJournal Article20180911The purpose of this descriptive and analytical study is to investigate the reasons for Russia's military intervention in the Syrian crisis. The question is, why did Russia intervene militarily in the Syrian crisis? The findings show that there is a link between Russia's involvement in the crisis and its leaders' understanding of their country's position in the international system. From the Russian leader’s point of view, their country is a great power in the structure of the multi-polar international system. Therefore, the country must maintain its presence in geopolitical areas. But the overthrow of the Syrian government, which is Russia’s only ally in the region, will reduce the country's position not only in the Middle East, but also in the international system. The geopolitical dynamics before the Arab uprisings in Russia's periphery also jeopardized its position in the structure of the international system. From their point of view, the Arab uprisings are considered to be the continuation of the same declining trend. Therefore, Russia's intervention in the Syrian crisis was a reaction to this limitative process.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82722_37135248377c7ba6964200947053e06c.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60602120190601The Armenian Diaspora and Iran's Foreign Policy13114582799ENAkbarValizadehDepartment of Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of TehranShivaAlizadehDepartment of Regional Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of TehranJournal Article20180208Armenians of Iran cannot be considered part of the Armenian diaspora scattered around the world since they have lived in this territory for millennia. However, in terms of identity and historical memory, they share quite a lot with Armenian communities in other countries. As an Iranian ethnic group, they have played a decisive role in very eventful period of Iran’s history, especially since the last decade of 19th century when constitutionalism began to touch Iran’s intellectual circles. Over the next century, such a prominent role persisted to different extents. Today, Armenians still have remarkable capacities to be involved in resolving some of the domestic and international problems Iran faces. In this paper, we have tried to find out, "How can the presence of the Armenian community affect Iran's interests in terms of foreign relations?" Our hypothesis is that, "The presence of the Armenian community in Iran, with their own potentials and capacities of the larger Armenian diaspora in different parts of the world, will provide the Islamic Republic of Iran with opportunities to widen the scope of its foreign policy choices and as a result, boost its economic and political interests". This subject has been investigated in the article using a descriptive-analytical approach.<br /> https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_82799_1c00af9f7818967f1ce77f22524c7555.pdf