University of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801The Role of Identity and Ethnicity in Interaction between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Shiites Community of Russia12191221ENS. MotaharehHosseyniPayam Noor UniversityJournal Article20230226The number of Shiites in Russia is estimated from 3% percent (six hundred thousand people) of the country's Muslim population to about three million people (15%). So far, no comprehensive study has been done on the details of Shiites life and the quality of the Russian Shiites society. This paper's questions are: how do Shiites live in Russia, their central communities and organizations and what kind of relationship they have with the I.R. Iran. In this article, I deal with the quantity and the number of Shiites populations in Russia. I also mention how they enter the areas where they live. Then I will talk about the quality of life of Shiites in Moscow, especially their jobs and living conditions and their organizational groups. In the end, the type of relationship between Shiites and Russians and non-Shiites society and the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards them are discussed.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91221_a41b9000ae06b23d8aaee97ef04fdd6f.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801Bahrain and Iran - Saudi Arabia Controversy233191223ENMaiaKapanadzeCaucasus International UniversityJournal Article20230226The competition between two key and important countries in the Middle East region is one of the main factors of geopolitical change. The conflict between Shia Iran and Sunni Saudi Arabia, two regional actors, often affects the relations between other countries and their foreign policy priorities. A clear example of the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia is Bahrain, which is primarily based on ideological and geopolitical grounds. The rivalry between the two countries over Bahrain has been going on for a long time. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia are trying to use the leverage they have to expand their influence not only in this country, but also in the region. Saudi Arabia uses the ruling Sunni Al-Khalifa family as a pillar in Bahrain and a means to secure its interests. As for Iran, it relies heavily on Shiites, who make up the majority of Bahrain's population but are not in power, to strengthen its position in Bahrain. Because of this, they are often harassed by the authorities.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91223_9f35da2337438099435980e1424e6018.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Cultural Diplomacy and the Constructed Image of Iran in Central Asia335191224ENMohammad RezaMajidiRegional Studies, Faculty of Law and political sciences, University of TehranMohammad KazemShojaeiRegional Studies, Faculty of law and Political Science, University of Tehran.0000-0002-3113-2124Journal Article20230226This article examines the role of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the image of Iran in Central Asian countries. According to constructivist theory, identity is a flexible and relational phenomenon. This means that regardless of the image that each actor has of himself, the image that other actors present of him plays a fundamental role in the identity and relationships of the actors. Accordingly, actors identity is “constructed” as a flexible phenomenon during interactions. It is constructed under the influence of domestic and international factors. As a result, all actors try to play a role in “building” their image in international system. In this regard, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of five Muslim countries in Central Asia, the Islamic Republic of Iran tried to establish a suitable position in the region. Iran’s identity-building efforts in Central Asia are based on the concept of shared cultural heritage. This article investigates the effectiveness of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Central Asia. The article examines the image of Iran in the history textbooks of Central Asian countries. Since governments have a monopoly on the administration of their educational system, textbooks can be considered invaluable sources for analyzing the image they intend to create of Iran for future generations. History textbooks of Central Asian countries portray Iran as a minor player. In fact, the historical influence of Iran in this region has been systematically weakened by the secular governments of the region, who have always been concerned about the political narrative of Islam. Considering the importance of textbooks in the construction of Iran’s image for the next generation of the region, there is no doubt that Iran’s policy-makers should reconsider their cultural diplomacy in the region to correct this image.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91224_1da06d391c433c18c018ff0d47a7d5c3.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801The Impact of Caucasian Political Marriages on Safavid Territory and Court537491226ENNasrollahPourmohammadi AmlashiImam Khomeini International UniversityJournal Article20230226Caucasians, including Georgians, Armenians, and Circassians known as the "Third Force," were used in the Safavid era to counter tensions between Ghezelbash and Tajik elements. This force gradually showed its power to rivals in all areas and gained influence in the center and the state. The talent and ability of Caucasians in all fields gradually led the Safavid kings and local rulers to become close to them in various ways, especially family and marital ties. The tendency of courtiers, Caucasians and provincial rulers as the main actors in Safavid-era politics for family strife stemmed from political needs, economic interests, military capability and territorial expansion which motivated them to enter into these political marriages.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91226_559bd2966777dde236a2c3b56468fcc5.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801The Importance and Challenges of the Persian Gulf for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)7510891228ENBaharehSazmandUniversity of TehranAhmadRamezaniUniversity of TehranJournal Article20230226In the second decade of the 21st century, and especially with the rule of its fifth generation of elites, China has taken steps to consolidate its power in the trans-regional arena. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), announced in 2013, expanded in 2017 to include more than 65 countries. By 2021, more than 140 countries signed amemorandum of understanding with China to become a member of the BRI. Although the initiative was initially limited, over time and its acceptance, China’s approach changed and declared it unrestricted (open and public to join). The main question is, what is the position of the Persian Gulf in the China BRI? The present article argues that the Persian Gulf, as an important and strategic region after Southeast Asia, is the most important region for China, using a descriptive-analytical method. Findings show that the Persian Gulf is a strategic region with an important position for China, which imports more than 40 percent of its crude oil from this region. The Persian Gulf, with a population of more than 170 million (market)and an investment destination rich in hydrocarbon resources, is located between Asia, Africa, and Europe and is one of the poles of BRI. In this article, the method of collecting materials is documentary, and the concepts of Mega-regionalism and Quasi-inter-regionalism are considered.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91228_0ff2aad89584154a648d5674b854cb65.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801Iran and Russia as Objects and Subjects of Western Psychological Operations and Information Warfare10912791229ENGregorySimonsUppsala UniversityJournal Article20230226Western centers of economic, political and military power such as selected European countries and the United States have been the dominant geopolitical and geoeconomic forces in international relations for some centuries now. They have built an institutional and network system that supports and projects their power and influence. The United States has sought to expand its hegemony and influence that stems from the Western-centric unipolar global order. However, political and geopolitical mistakes and miscalculations threaten its position in the 21<sup>st</sup> century and signs of an emerging non-Western-centric multipolar global order. However, the US seeks to retain its privileged status as a global hegemon, not in terms of absolute dominance of all other powers, but rather in terms of a relative dominance advantage over emerging actors at the strategic and operational levels in international affairs as China, Iran or Russia. This is done through the informational component of geopolitics that shapes opinions and perceptions of the physical realm. In particular the use of orthodoxy of knowledge and obstructive foreign policy as a means of limiting the strengths and opportunities of actors as Iran and Russia. The information realm is intended to engineer the appearance of cognitive threats and weaknesses as a means of imposing constraints and restraints on decision makers and the results of their foreign policy.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91229_81c2ab3341f6c09dbbafc5a71ad7aa77.pdfUniversity of Tehran PressJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60604120210801Iran and India on the Silk Road: Challenges and Prospects of Economic Cooperation in Belt & Road Initiative12914991232ENMandanaTisheyarAllameh Tabataba'i UniversityAminNoorafkanthe university of Allamah Tabatabai, ECO college of insuranceJournal Article20230226India and Iran have historically shared strong socio-cultural and commercial relations since ancient times. However, the emergence of regional and extra-regional powers has drastically changed the relationship between Iran and India and given it a regional character rather than a bilateral one. . As one of the regional powers in East Asia and at the global level, China is increasing its power and influence and is attracting other countries’ cooperation in various fields. In this regard, the Chinese government has officially pursued the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since 2013. Iran and India have taken two completely different positions on this plan; while India still formally sees the project as a threat to its stability and security, Iran is eager to expand its ties with China to get out of economic isolation. In this article, the authors try to answer how Iran and India can expand and pursue their economic interests by cooperating in projects related to the BRI. In response, the authors suggest that developing multilateral cooperation in Chabahar port, cooperation in Chabahar free trade zone, and International North-South Transit Corridor (INSTC) provide enormous opportunities for all parties involved. However, collaboration conditions must also improve through simultaneous consideration of security and development, increasing economic integration, strengthening multilateral negotiations, strengthening infrastructure and establishing non-dollar payment mechanisms.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_91232_ea60cfd1737a6fc611e2ac8453cc2856.pdf