University of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180501Transoxiana under the Rule of Abbasid, Ghaznavid and Seljuk Empires: A Comparison of the Systems of Governance11469186ENFarhadAtaiUniversity of Tehran, Department of International RelationsSikaSadoddin-Journal Article20161220Several empires which have ruled over Transoxiana since the advent of Islam include the empires built by the Arabs, the Turks, the Mughals, and the Russians. The Abbasid Empire lasted for several centuries, but in terms of actual running of the vast territories extending to eastern Iranian plateau, their rule ended after one and a half centuries. Gradually, independent rulers rose from the easternmost portion of the territories of the Abbasid Empire. The role of the Caliphate was then to lend legitimacy to the various local governments, many of which became powerful empires themselves. Our main objective here is to carefully compare the two types of bureaucracies (divans) of the kingdoms ruled by the Abbasids, Ghaznavids and Seljuks. The authors examine the main features of these systems of governance, and their similarities and differences regarding their ascendancy, degree of sophistication, centralization, efficiency, and military power.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69186_6db52bbadab3df4920a54ef4cc340b6d.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180501Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus: Competition and Cooperation153169187ENMohammad JafarJavadi ArjmandUniversity of Tehran, Department of Political ScienceJournal Article20170105The vacuum of power in the South Caucasus during the post-Cold War period has shaped the nature of rivalries between the regional and extra-regional powers. Iran and Turkey have special interests in the region in large part due to geographical proximity and historical background. The three newly established republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia have created new opportunities for Iran and Turkey, but they have also been the sources of new threats for their neighbors. For Iranian policymakers, Azerbaijan and Armenia are of special importance because of their common borders. Through a geopolitical analysis, the author tries to answer the following questions: What is the nature of the rivalry between Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus? What are the differences in these two countries’ foreign policy attitudes toward the South Caucasus? The main conclusion is that the competition between Iran and Turkey has been multifaceted and covers cultural, economic and political issues. Iran has adopted a more independent stance in its relations with the South Caucasus, and at the same time it is trying to limit the power and influence of the U.S. in its peripheral area. Whereas Turkey has shown its preference for a multilateral approach in collaboration with the West. Trying to gain a foothold in the region, both countries formulate and implement foreign policies aimed at expanding their political and economic interactions with these South Caucasian states.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69187_ccbe2557e8c82955c3d6418abe9a8863.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180501The Security Implications of Nuclear Non-Proliferation in Central Asia: An Iranian View335669188ENSaidehLotfianUniversity of Tehran, Department of Political ScienceJournal Article20170620After the USSR dissolution in 1991, the declaration of Central Asia as a nuclear free zone was viewed as a crucial step on the way to solving the greater issues of nuclear non-proliferation, nuclear security and nuclear disarmament in the world. The two great powers which had a history of direct and indirect involvement in this region played a significant role in the creation of the zone. Russia along with the U.S. have been sources of financial and economic assistance to the regional states and used the political leverage of economic incentives to persuade the five regional states to join the treaty to establish the Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (CANWFZ). The state parties are committed not to deploy, build, receive, and test nuclear weapons on their territories. The main objective of this study is to investigate the significance of the CANWFZ for the inter-state relations and the overall regional stability and security. The key questions posed here are: 1- Does the CANWFZ enhances its member states’ national security and regional security? 2- How do major powers view Central Asia’s nuclear non-proliferation? The political decision of the Central Asia’s leaders not to “go nuclear” was based not on domestic debate but on “top-down” consultation and persuasion of the two superpowers of the Cold War era. These findings are consistent with the assertion that the success of any arms control and nuclear non-proliferation initiative at the regional level is a function of the global actors’ cooperation.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69188_47da80505c23d20cf0b1ff1de86963a9.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180530The Eastern Partnership and Its Effects on Georgian Political Economy577569189ENRoxanaNiknamiUniversity of Tehran, Department of Regional StudiesJournal Article20170702Georgia is an important partner for the European Union (EU) in the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and its eastern dimension under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). In a wider context, the EaP supports delivery on key global policy goals set by the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The overall framework guiding the relations between the EU and its six Eastern Partners is provided by the relevant bilateral agreements. Within the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy, the EU and Georgia signed an Association Agreement. The main objective of this study is to answer the following research question: What are the effects of the EaP on the political economy of Georgia? It is argued that the formulation of the EaP provided an impetus for the push for the Association Agreements with Georgia. Since the independence of Georgia, the influence of the EU has been slight in the implementation of the bilateral agenda of reforms, but the impact of the EU on this area has increased in recent years. The impact of the EaP can be measured in the three dimensions of the liberalization of trade, opening goods markets, and visa liberalization. The findings indicate that the impact of the EU is slowly increasing; and moreover, the economic impact of the EaP will not be immediate. In the short-term, its implementation poses more challenges to Georgia than gains. In the long-run, Georgia hopes that the convergence to European standards will make it easier for Georgian firms to access the European market.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69189_30a8334e8e18a037141c6f655fcace99.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180530Iran-Russia Military and Security Relations after the JCPOA779269190ENAlirezaSamoudiMofid UniversityAmirhosseinNorouzi Shahtouri-Journal Article20171228Iran and Russia's military and security cooperation have considerably increased after the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was signed by Iran, the European Union and the P5+1 (China, France, Germany, Russia, UK and the US). Usingthe concepts of securitization and desecuritization in the Copenhagen School of security studies,the authors examine the military and security ties between Iran and Russia. The main research question is as follows: How has the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) affected the Iranian-Russian military and security relations?The main objective is to test a hypothesis asserting that the JCPOA descuritized the Iranian nuclear program and removed the obstacles in Iran's relations with Russia in bilateral, regional and international levels. In fact, Iran's nuclear program changed into a technical issue and was desecuritized after the nuclear deal. This led to a noticeable improvement of Iran's relations with Russia and other countries. The removal of the Russian sanctions against Iran and the numerous visits of the two countries’ government officials as well as Putin's order to lift the ban on the sale of the S300 missile system to Tehran are among the most important indicators of the improvement of security relations between the two countries. Meanwhile, the Russian military presence in Syria along with Moscow’s cooperation with Iran in the fight against terrorism are viewed as other important post-JCPOA developments which have improved the bilateral Iran and Russia's military cooperation at the regional level.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69190_d66497c87c64c512b0e42a5b13ef3a26.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180530The Church and Religious Diplomacy in Russia’s Foreign Policy9310569191ENNozarShafieeUniversity of IsfahanEhsanFallahiUniversity of IsfahanJournal Article20171120Religion is more than a national phenomenon, for it is concurrently a fundamental element of transnational identity. Accordingly, a state might be able to extend its soft power to its coreligionist neighbors by using religious ideas as instruments of foreign policy. Russia shares Orthodox Christianity with some of its post-Soviet neighbors which were completely subject to policies dictated by Moscow until the dissolution of the USSR. Despite the independence of these former Soviet Republics, Russia still enjoys a high degree of influence in the post-Soviet space. Consolidating Moscow's grip on the near abroad is one of the main strategic guiding principles of Kremlin's foreign policy. When the communist era came to a dramatic end, Russian policymakers searched for an alternative to the ideology of communism and became aware of the potential role that Christianity could play in realizing their foreign policy goals. The main objectives of the authors are to answer the following research questions: 1- What is the role of the church as a source of soft power in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation? and 2- How effective is Russia's religious diplomacy (the use of religion as a non-coercive instrument) in Ukraine and Georgia? In their research hypothesis, they assert that Moscow's religious diplomacy has increased its influence in Ukraine and Georgia; but religion has contributed more to Russia’s hard power than its soft power.https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69191_b04c899ce91a3360f805139d342f5ea7.pdfUniversity of TehranJournal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies2645-60601120180530Integrated Environmental Assessment as a Comprehensive Governance Tool for the Caspian Littoral States to Control the Environmental Degradations10712269192ENLobatZebardastUniversity of TehranJournal Article20170915With the world’s largest inland water basin, and the lack of an effective legal regime, the Caspian Sea has been an area of conflict over common resources. Important issues such as exploration and use of aquatic and fossil resources, transportation and environmental contamination have added to the urgency of developing frameworks for regional cooperation. In this paper, the Driving Force-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) model is used for implementing an Integrated Environmental Assessment (IEA), based on which, the causes and consequences of the environmental situation of the Caspian Sea and the effectiveness of the existing legal solutions and the possibility of upgrading them within a more comprehensive and integrated framework are examined. It is concluded that separated and individual efforts made by the littoral countries for the environmental conservation should be replaced with comprehensive, integrated and inter-governmental approaches, such as Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM), Integrated Watershed Management and Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) that are performed within the context of the existing regional governance structures. <br /> <strong> </strong>https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_69192_41873cb114cc955c7794109f9e2adf8f.pdf