https://jices.ut.ac.ir/ Journal of Iran and Central Eurasia Studies en daily 1 Sun, 01 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sun, 01 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103126.html Starting from the 80’s the question of the validity of Instant Triple Talaq made its way from the courts to political sphere in India. In this regard, three major political discourses sided differently in the argument and contributed to the transformation of a judicial question to a political phenomenon. One belonged to the Orthodox Muslim community, which essentially considered the debate as an attack on its freedom of religion by an inferior Hindu-dominated structure. Another belonged to the Hindu right wing, which spotted an opportunity in this particular debate to attack Muslim community’s public image. The third one belonged to the seculars, Congress Party and its allies, which out of the fear for their vote-bank among orthodox Muslims attempted to meddle in the matters of court and further supported the narrative of Orthodox Muslim community. It is an undisputed fact that the communal tensions have been one of the major driving forces of Indian politics. Public policy and law-making processes have always been seriously affected in India by communal tensions, as India is a Hindu-majority country with a considerable population of Muslim minority. This study intends to review the position of each major discourse in this controversial debate in order to show that essentially, dislocation of the issue by the discursive competitions in a communalist society leads to blockades in progressive reforms. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103127.html Regardless of all the clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia after the first war, the conflict in September 2020 which is also known as the Second Karabakh war, changed the power distribution of the South Caucasus. Iran's interests as a neighbor of both warring sides are directly related to this conflict. The main question that this study aims to answer is how has the 2020 Nagorno Karabakh war affected Iran’s geopolitical and geoeconomic interests in the South Caucuses? This study tries to analyze Iran’s geopolitical and geoeconomics interests that has been affected due to the Second Karabakh war based on Buzan four levels of analysis. The main hypothesis is that the second Nagorno-Karabakh war by changing the political and economic equations of the region has affected Iran's geopolitical and geoeconomic interests at domestic, regional, interregional, and global levels. This study tries to apply the explanatory method by analyzing books, articles, and reports. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103207.html This article investigates the legal framework governing ship arrest in Iran by analyzing relevant domestic legislation and selected judicial decisions. The central research question is whether thecurrent Iranian legal system provides a clear and effective mechanism for ship arrest, particularly in the absence of Iran’s ratification of the 1952 and 1999 Arrest Conventions. The study adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, combining library-based research with case study analysis of selected Iranian court decisions to assess the procedural requirements and legal conditions surrounding ship arrest in Iranian jurisdiction. It also examines Article 194 of the Iranian Maritime Code and the extent to which Iranian courts refer to international maritime customs where domestic law is silent. The article identifies legal ambiguities and practical challenges in this area and suggests legal and procedural reforms. The findings aim to provide a practical legal guide for maritime lawyers and judges dealing with ship arrest cases in Iran. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103208.html Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States have historically oscillated between limited cooperation and pronounced antagonism. While structural and geopolitical explanations for this volatility are abundant, the perceptual frameworks of Iranian political elites remain insufficiently explored. Employing Robert Jervis’s theory of perception and misperception, this article investigates how elite Iranian discourse represented the United States between 2012 and 2020. Drawing on a qualitative content analysis of 147 purposively selected speeches, interviews, and policy documents from presidential, ministerial, and parliamentary sources, the study identifies three major perceptual shifts. Following the United States’ unilateral withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Washington was increasingly depicted as an existential threat engaging in “economic terrorism.” Defensive posturing was re-legitimised through historical analogies of betrayal and narratives of ontological insecurity, while regional security discourse emphasised strategic autonomy and resistance. The findings illustrate how cognitive biases—particularly confirmation bias—shape elite interpretations of U.S. actions, reinforcing threat perceptions and perpetuating mutual mistrust. The article argues that addressing these entrenched perceptual dynamics is essential for the success of any future diplomatic engagement. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103228.html AI, as a leading technology in the 21st century, has had widespread impacts on various political, economic, and social aspects globally. The present paper tries to answer the question of how this technology can be used as a tool to facilitate regional cooperation in West Asia and strengthen convergence among the countries in the region. The neo-functionalism theory, emphasizing the role of technical cooperation in creating mutual dependence among states, provides an appropriate framework for analyzing this issue. Based on this theory, cooperation in technical domains can lead to cooperation in other areas and bring about the convergence of countries in the region. The research method employed in this research is practical, aiming to connect two different domains: "technical issues" and "regional integration," in a developmental approach. It is hypothesized that artificial intelligence, as an interdisciplinary technology, can help create cooperation networks among countries. The findings show that these networks not only promote knowledge and technology exchange but also have the potential to increase mutual trust among nations. Since West Asia stands at the crossroads of AI globalization, current choices will significantly influence its socio-economic trajectory and cultural resilience in the coming years. AI-driven integration in West Asia presents a dual narrative of technological ambition and continuous fragmentation. While PersianGulf countries demonstrate AI's potential to transcend traditional economic boundaries through smart infrastructure and digital services, broader regional integration requires addressing critical gaps in governance capacity, cultural adaptation, and sustainable implementation. The emergence of Arabic-language AI systems offers unprecedented opportunities for knowledge sharing among Arab-countries, but concurrent risks such as algorithmic bias and excessive energy consumption call for proactive policy responses. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103238.html The scientific article analyses the transport and communication potential of Central Asian countries in the context of the interests of the European Union. The article aims to highlight the problems and prospects of realizing the transport and communication potential of the Central Asian countries in the context of the interests of the Eu-ropean Union. In the course of the study, a set of general scientific and unique methods of cognition was used, with the help of which the processes and phenomena considered in the paper were analyzed. To analyze the transport and communication potential of the Central Asian region, the existing achievements in this area in each of its countries are characterized separately. The Central Asian region is of geostrategic importance for the European Union. Several vital interests related to transit and transport systems have been identified, including route diversification, energy transport, economic cooperation, connectivity, and the development of transit corridors. The implementation of the developed solutions and the study of the best international practices can help the countries of the Central Asian region to significantly improve logistics performance and create a more ef-ficient, competitive, and sustainable transport and logistics sector. The research contributes to the growing body of knowledge on Eurasian connectivity and provides actionable recommendations for enhancing EU–Central Asia cooperation through strategic infrastructure development. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103276.html On of the important fields on Iran’s national and regional security since the beginning of new millennium is increasing interactions between China and Saudi Arabia. Along with describing the trends which yielded to development in relations between China and Saudi Arabia, present study aims at answering this question: “what are the consequences of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia since the beginning of new millennium on I. R. of Iran’s national security?” While confirming increasingly relations between China and Saudi Arabia in different fields by relying upon descriptive – clarifying technique and utilizing Waltz’ neo-realism theory. Present paper believes that the development of relations between China and Saudi Arabia can be accompanied with Iranian isolation as well as military – defensive consequences in national, regional and international levels. Research findings indicate that in national level and in two economic segments, such increasingly relations can pave the way for damaging I. R. of Iran in transferring energy and attracting foreign capitals as well as in political level especially in weakening Iranian defensive potency and stabilizing the perception of Iran as a threat. In regional level, such relations can change regional power balance against Iran especially in regional crises; finally, in international level, it would pave the way for further institutionalization of China in current international order and increasing the capacity for the unification of USA and its regional allies against Iran especially under crises. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103354.html This article evaluates the strategic implications and achievements of the 2023 Beijing Agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. By examining the historical trajectory of Iran–Saudi relations since the 1979 Revolution, the article contextualizes the 2016 diplomatic rupture and the subsequent efforts toward rapprochement. It analyzes the internal and external factors that both enabled and constrained the revival of diplomatic ties, including the role of regional conflicts, changing international dynamics, and the ascendance of economic pragmatism in Saudi foreign policy. Special attention is given to China's mediation and its broader strategic posture in the Middle East under the Belt and Road Initiative. The study reveals that while Saudi Arabia has derived tangible security and economic benefits from the agreement—such as regional de-escalation, improved investment climate, and reduced confrontation risks—Iran's gains have remained largely symbolic and fragile. Persistent asymmetries in expectations, unresolved security concerns, and Saudi Arabia’s limited responsiveness to Iranian priorities have challenged the sustainability of the accord. The article concludes that without institutionalized mechanisms, mutual concessions, and renewed diplomatic dialogue, the current détente is unlikely to last. The Beijing Agreement, while significant, must serve as a starting point for more comprehensive negotiations addressing the structural sources of mistrust and rivalry. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103381.html Achieving international food security requires a deeper understanding of the global agricultural trade networks that connect countries through imports and exports. With the volume and value of agricultural trade increasing annually, optimizing these international networks is crucial for global nutrition. Key to this optimization is the development of transportation infrastructure, such as trade corridors, and advancements in agricultural logistics, particularly between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).This study uses network analysis to examine the trade network positions of the EAEU and ASEAN in five major grain categories: wheat, rice, barley, oilseeds, and corn, using data from 2023. The objective is to identify key players and analyze the overall structure of this trade network. The findings reveal that the networks from 2023 are characterized by a power distribution and a high clustering coefficient. The analysis of the intermediate centrality index identifies Kazakhstan within the EAEU, and Vietnam and Indonesia within ASEAN, as highly influential players in the trade of these essential agricultural products.This research highlights the necessity of leveraging the capabilities of these unions to optimize agricultural trade. The insights gained are valuable for understanding past trends and emerging dynamics in the global agricultural commodity system, particularly in the face of potential trade shocks. This understanding can inform policy and strategic initiatives aimed at enhancing worldwide food security by making the international flow of agricultural products more resilient and efficient. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103382.html This article discusses the formation of the Iran-Russia border. Historically, Iran and Russia, despite a long shared history, maintained an often-unfriendly relationship. The border between them was defined by the Greater Caucasus mountain range, specifically near the Terek River, before the treaties of Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchay (1828). Before the 16th century, the two nations were separated by a flexible and undefined frontier region, rather than a fixed boundary. The modern Iran-Russia border was established following two wars initiated by Russia, which ended in Iran’s defeat and led to the formalization of territorial divisions. Today, with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Iran and Russia no longer share a land border; they are now separated by the Caspian Sea, the legal status of which remains under discussion. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103421.html In the process of ongoing wars and conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the formation of new alliance between India and Armenia, this study aims to investigate the Indian media news coverage of the recent Nagorno-Karabakh war. To this end, a synthesis of agenda setting and media conflict framing theories with a special attention to war/peace journalism was applied. A synthesis of agenda-setting and media conflict framing theories, with a special focus on war/peace journalism, was applied as it provided a suitable framework for analyzing war news. The main research method was content analysis, and data was collected from the Times of India, one of the most significant nationwide English-language newspapers in India. The study's timeframe spanned from September 2022 to October 2023.It was the time that the clashes happened between the two countries leading to the Azerbaijani government launched a blockade of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).The results of the study showed that the most important news topics that were covered by the Times of India was the report of violence in battlefield including the number of victims such as killed, wounded or displace people. Then mediating other countries such as Iran for the peace process got prior attention. Afterwards the tensionsbetween Armenia and Russia and consequently, its alliances with countries such as France and India were highlighted. From the perspectives of media conflict framing the results showed that the selected news frames were closer to the war journalism.       https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_103422.html This article introduces the concept of "Strategic Equidistance" to provide a novel and systematic analysis of Indonesia's foreign policy response to the Russia–Ukraine war. Moving beyond simplistic notions of neutrality or indecision, the study argues that Indonesia's stance is a deliberate and active diplomatic strategy, deeply rooted in its anti-imperialist legacy and non-aligned principles. This research fills a significant gap in the literature by offering a robust conceptual framework to explain how a middle power in the Global South navigates geopolitical polarization while preserving its autonomy and promoting its national interests. Drawing on historical context, including Indonesia's long-standing ties with both Russia and Ukraine, and its actions during the 2022 G20 presidency, the study identifies five key features of Strategic Equidistance: balanced detachment, diplomatic dexterity, non-entanglement, proactive multiplicative engagement, and normative hedging. The findings demonstrate that Indonesia's approach is a conscious positioning within an evolving multipolar world, where countries are no longer passive observers but active agents of change. The article's contribution lies in its deconstruction of the "Global South" as a homogeneous entity and its rich case study of Indonesia, offering a model for how nations can assert agency in a post-hegemonic international order. This research is important for policymakers, academics, and observers of international relations who seek to understand middle-power dynamics and the development of a global multipolar system. https://jices.ut.ac.ir/article_105678.html Despite its frequent use, the term 'partnership,' as recently employed by China to describe its strategic partnerships and relations with friendly states, has received little scholarly attention, and its dimensions remain underexplored. This article argues that China’s partnerships can be better understood through the lens of economic statecraft—a foreign policy approach wherein states actively deploy economic tools to achieve political objectives. It explores the relationship between China’s strategic partnerships and economic statecraft, as traditionally referenced in the field of international political economy, analysing China–Egypt partnership as a case study. The paper contends that China’s partnerships have not only, as suggested by the notion of economic statecraft, led to deeper economic interdependence, but have also enabled China to consolidate its strategic influence in the regions spanning along the so-called Belt and Road project. Accordingly, China’s strategic partnerships can be viewed as manifestations of the traditional economic statecraft strategy; however, given the diversity and the formation of expansive, multi-layered networks of partnerships, the application of this framework is not limited to the mere use of economic tools for exerting influence over a single country or group of countries. Rather, such partnerships—through a complex integration of geopolitical, institutional, and diplomatic elements—transcend traditional understandings of economic statecraft, evolving into a more comprehensive and multi-layered form of strategic agency in international politics.